Urban mobility serves as more than just a means of transportation—it reflects and reshapes the socio-economic, spatial, and cultural dynamics of cities. In the context of Dhaka, one of the most congested and densely populated cities in the world, the landscape of urban mobility has undergone a noticeable transformation in recent decades. The shift from traditional modes such as rickshaws to app-based ride-sharing services is not simply technological; it is emblematic of broader changes in urban form, governance, and class-based accessibility.
Rickshaws and the Informal Logic of Movement
For decades, the rickshaw has been emblematic of urban mobility in Bangladesh. These non-motorized vehicles account for approximately 40% of all trips within the city (World Bank, 2016). In a city where the average trip length is short—typically under five kilometers—rickshaws have served as a convenient, flexible, and affordable mode of transport, particularly for lower-income residents and informal workers (Afsar, 2018).
Moreover, the rickshaw economy sustains a vast segment of the urban poor. According to Rahman (2014), over 500,000 people in Dhaka are directly or indirectly dependent on rickshaws for their livelihood. The sector operates largely informally, with minimal state regulation but deeply embedded spatial practices—rickshaws dominate residential lanes, inner-city bazaars, and neighborhoods excluded from formal transport planning.
However, policy narratives have often framed rickshaws as a cause of congestion, leading to frequent bans on major roads and exclusion from transport master plans (Haque & Pervin, 2019). These measures have gradually displaced rickshaw-pullers and marginalized a system that, for many, remains essential.
Changing Urban Forms and Infrastructural Pressures
Dhaka's evolving urban fabric plays a critical role in reshaping mobility patterns. The rise of high-rise apartments, shopping malls, and commercial hubs in areas such as Gulshan, Uttara, and Bashundhara has altered both the demand and supply of urban transport. A growing urban middle class, more time-sensitive and aspirational, increasingly demands faster and more personalized mobility options (Zaman et al., 2021).
In response, infrastructural investments such as flyovers, elevated expressways, and the Dhaka Metro Rail (MRT Line 6) are being positioned as long-term solutions to congestion. While these projects aim to modernize the city’s transport system, they also reinforce a car-centric model and further displace traditional, slower modes of transport, creating a mobility divide across class and income groups (Ahmed & Bari, 2020).
The Emergence of App-Based Ride-Sharing
The arrival of digital platforms such as Uber, Pathao, Shohoz, and Obhai has marked a new era of mobility in Dhaka. These services offer real-time ride requests via smartphones, integrating GPS navigation, digital payments, and user reviews. While Uber initially targeted private cars, local apps like Pathao rapidly adapted the model to motorcycles and bicycles, making them accessible to a wider segment of commuters.
Data suggests a sharp uptake in ride-sharing usage, particularly among urban youth, office commuters, and those seeking convenience over cost (Chowdhury & Sumon, 2021). Motorbike rides, in particular, have become a time-saving alternative amid gridlocked traffic. The platforms have also created a gig economy of riders, many of whom are recent graduates or laid-off workers, using their vehicles to generate supplemental income.
Yet, the benefits are uneven. Smartphone access, data affordability, and digital literacy remain skewed along gender and class lines. For example, women passengers often report concerns about safety and harassment, while women drivers are almost entirely absent from these platforms (Khan, 2022).
Mobility Inequality and Digital Exclusion
The advent of app-based transport raises critical questions about mobility justice. While ride-sharing enhances convenience for the urban elite and middle class, it leaves behind those without smartphones, bank accounts, or digital skills. According to BBS (2021), only 37% of urban households in Bangladesh own a smartphone. Furthermore, most platforms operate in English or non-standard Bengali, creating language barriers for older and less-educated users.
Traditional transport workers, particularly rickshaw-pullers, face heightened precarity as demand shifts. Unlike gig workers on digital platforms, rickshaw-pullers lack access to ratings, customer feedback loops, or corporate support. This exclusion points to a digital restructuring of urban mobility that reinforces, rather than reduces, socio-spatial disparities.
Environmental and Planning Considerations
From a planning standpoint, ride-sharing platforms present both opportunities and challenges. On the one hand, they offer flexible, on-demand transport that can fill gaps in the public transit system. On the other hand, studies show that app-based ride-hailing can increase total vehicle kilometers traveled, contributing to congestion and emissions (Clewlow & Mishra, 2017).
In Dhaka, where air pollution is already among the worst in the world, the increase in motorbike-based ride-sharing raises serious environmental concerns. Moreover, transport policies remain reactive rather than integrative; most ride-sharing services operate in legal grey zones with limited oversight or regulation (Rahman, 2023).
Conclusion: Mobility as Urban Mirror
The evolution from rickshaws to ride-sharing is not merely a shift in transport options—it is a transformation of urban space, labor, and inequality. It reflects the deep tensions between informality and innovation, between tradition and aspiration, that characterize Dhaka’s urban trajectory.
From a human geography perspective, mobility must be seen not only as physical movement but as access—to opportunities, services, and social inclusion. A just urban future for Dhaka must not choose between rickshaws and ride-sharing, but rather aim for an integrated, inclusive, and multimodal transport system that centers the needs of all residents.
References:
Afsar, R. (2018). Informal transport systems and employment in urban Bangladesh. Dhaka: BIDS.
Ahmed, S., & Bari, M. (2020). Road infrastructure development and the new mobility divide in Dhaka. Transport Policy, 95, 43–52.
BBS. (2021). Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2020. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.
Chowdhury, F., & Sumon, M. H. (2021). Ride-sharing platforms and user preferences in Dhaka: A study of behavior and expectations. Urban Transport Studies, 7(1), 55–67.
Clewlow, R. R., & Mishra, G. S. (2017). Disruptive transportation: The adoption, utilization, and impacts of ride-hailing in the United States. UCD Institute of Transportation Studies.
Haque, M., & Pervin, N. (2019). Governing informality: Rickshaw regulation and the state in Dhaka. Urban Studies, 56(12), 2436–2452.
Khan, S. (2022). Gender and digital mobility: Women’s experiences of ride-sharing in Dhaka. Asian Journal of Women’s Studies, 28(2), 189–207.
Rahman, M. S. (2014). Rickshaw pullers in urban Bangladesh: A socio-economic profile. BRAC University Journal, 10(1), 33–45.
Rahman, T. (2023). App-based transport in Dhaka: Legal ambiguity and policy responses. Journal of Law and Development, 15(1), 61–79.
World Bank. (2016). Dhaka: Improving living conditions for the urban poor. Washington, DC: The World Bank.
Zaman, M., Islam, M. M., & Ahmed, K. (2021). Middle class aspirations and the restructuring of urban mobility in Dhaka. Contemporary South Asia, 29(1), 1–15.